Politikk, religion og samfunn President Donald J. Trump - Quo vadis? (Del 2)

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  • erato

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    De kan jo bare begynne å grave etter kobber. Kobberimporten var et poeng i et av tariffbrevene, derdet ble understreket at dersom man flyttet virksomheten til USA unngikk man tariffer.
     

    BurntIsland

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    Som Anders Puch Nielsen sier om saken i sin siste video:
    www.logicofwar.com/war-upda…/
    But I do want to say this: if you are an American president who sympathizes with Russia and you would like Russia to have more success in their summer offensive, then this is exactly what you would do. You would stop the deliveries of weapons to Ukraine while at the same time going around talking about how you want to deliver more weapons to Ukraine and promise that these are just around the corner. That way everyone else is pacified in a waiting position because they’re going around hoping that you’re going to deliver on those promises any moment now.

    If you were open about stopping weapons deliveries to Ukraine and you make it clear that this this is the policy, then that could incentivize someone else to take some initiative. And that’s not what you would want to see. You would want everyone else to stay passive and to just wait. And that’s why you would walk this line of saying one thing while in practice doing the exact opposite.

    And I’m not saying that this is what Donald Trump is doing, because I don’t know that. But what I am saying is that if Donald Trump wanted to give Putin a helping hand with his summer offensive, then this is exactly what it would look like. And I think it’s important that European politicians keep that in mind.
     

    JMM

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    Fullstendig enig i at det hele er et stort skuespill. Våpenhjelpen reduseres, snart vil den stoppes helt og imens har de amerikanske sanksjonene mot en rekke russiske banker blitt kansellert samtidig som Trump vil ha Russland tilbake rundt G8-bordet. Alt peker mot at Trump løper Putins ærend, men gradvis for ikke å møte for mye motbør.

    At det er for sent for Ukraina tror jeg ikke. Det kommer fremdeles helt an på Europa og andre støttespillere.
     

    defacto

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    Og jeg skjønner ikke hva europeiske ledere gjør. Jeg sitter selvsagt ikke i de innerste sirkler, men utad ser det ikke ut som noe gjøres.
     

    JMM

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    Og jeg skjønner ikke hva europeiske ledere gjør. Jeg sitter selvsagt ikke i de innerste sirkler, men utad ser det ikke ut som noe gjøres.
    Jeg synes det ser ut som det gjøres en god del, selv om det er mindre slagkraftig enn jeg personlig ville foretrukket. Det er for eksempel lett å sitte her i Norge, med uhorvelige mengder gass og olje like utenfor svabergene, og tenke at de russiskvendte oljekranene burde stupes post haste, men realiteten er litt annerledes i mange land litt sør for oss. Politikerne er avhengige av å ha opinionen noenlunde med seg og mangel på varme om vinteren og air-con om sommeren ville neppe bidra til det.

    Penger, våpen og investeringer går også Ukrainas vei selv om ikke hver donasjon annonseres med krigstyper i media, eller annonseres i det hele tatt. Å tro at vi har det fulle og hele bildet fra hjemme i sofaen og fortvile fordi vi ikke ser det vi vil se er ikke veldig realistisk.

    Selvsagt burde mer gjøres og det burde gjøres fortere, men det er vel et av demokratiets største bakdeler: Ting Tar Tid.
     

    defacto

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    Penger, våpen og investeringer går også Ukrainas vei selv om ikke hver donasjon annonseres med krigstyper i media, eller annonseres i det hele tatt. Å tro at vi har det fulle og hele bildet fra hjemme i sofaen og fortvile fordi vi ikke ser det vi vil se er ikke veldig realistisk.
    Fullstendig klar over det og jeg tror (og håper sterkt) at det snakkes sammen og planlegges, uten at jeg får memoet.
    Jeg skulle bare ønske alle land sendte alt de kan unnvære for at Ukraina en gang for alle slo tilbake på en måte som faktisk avsktekket.
     

    JMM

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    Selvsagt helt enig. Mange land kunne spesielt ha donert mer utstyr, for hvilke andre fiender enn Russland ser f.eks Spania eller Portugal for seg i "overskuelig" fremtid? Å donere bort tanks, APC/IFVer, artilleri, etc vil bidra til at trusselen blir ytterligere redusert og gi dem tid til å fornye militæret.
     

    HasseBasse

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    Vel........
    Betingelsene/garantierne for at Ukraine ga bort sine atomvåpen, har jo blitt brudt alle
    som en, sååhhh...........?
     

    defacto

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    At det sitter noen i den innerste kretsen bak il Drumph med en plan som ikke Trump selv skjønner, er jeg rimelig sikker på. Hvem, er det usikre og hvor langt disse planene går er også usikkert (selv om Project 2025 sier mye). At de som er valgt inn i ledende stillinger noen ganger er nokså uvitende, men drivende inkompetente undermålere er jeg også sikker på! Spørsmålet er, hvor mye vet disse og hvor langt vil de gå?
     

    4-string

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    tjua

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    En høyst sannsynlig mulighet for at trumpern og benjis Iran spill kommer til å igangsette et nytt a-våpen kappløp
    Man kan lure litt på hvordan det tenkes, fra artikkelen
    «If Iran decides to withdraw from the NPT, it must give three months’ formal notice.»
    så et selvstendig land som angripes uten at det foreligger en krigshandling fra de skal følge de internasjonale spillereglene som angriperne ikke følger..
    du milde
    og det mht presteskapet i Iran?
    det må være en sterk illusjon
    mulig iran følger reglene, men hvorfor skulle de det?
     

    tjua

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    Dagens Snyder, mer til ettertanke og kontemplasjon, her vi er i våre trygge plasser, for ikke å si palasser ift. teksten
     

    tjua

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    Denne er veldig lang, fra the New Yorker, og til de som hevdet at det amerikanske demokratiet står støtt med sine institusjoner; dere tok dessverre feil, sjekk siste avsnitt:

    The courts cannot protect us from President Donald Trump’s unconstitutional overreach. That is the terrifying lesson of Friday’s 6–3 Supreme Court ruling limiting the power of federal judges to issue broad orders blocking Trump’s policies from taking effect while the lawsuits challenging them make their way through the courts. The case, Trump v. casa, involved one of the most blatantly unconstitutional of Trump’s orders: his bid to revoke, by executive fiat, the constitutional guarantee of birthright citizenship. But the implications of the ruling extend far beyond that single issue. Friday’s decision means that courts are now hobbled from stopping any of the Administration’s actions, no matter how unconstitutional they may be, nor how much damage they will inflict. Once again, the Court’s conservative super-majority abandoned its constitutionally assigned role and dangerously empowered the President. As Justice Sonia Sotomayor put it in her dissent, “its decision is nothing less than an open invitation for the Government to bypass the Constitution.”

    This outcome was as unnecessary as it was unwise. Witness the victory lap that President Trump and Attorney General Pam Bondi took in the White House briefing room after the ruling was released. Trump crowed that the Court had defused a “grave threat to democracy,” in which “a handful of radical left judges effectively try to overrule the rightful powers of the president.” Bondi, for her part, decried “rogue judges striking down President Trump’s policies” through “lawless injunctions” that let district-court judges act as “emperors.”

    It remains unlikely that the Court, when it finally gets around to deciding the merits of the dispute, will uphold Trump’s effort to undo birthright citizenship. Birthright citizenship was the rule before it was written into the Fourteenth Amendment. (The departure that necessitated constitutional protection was the Court’s infamous 1857 holding in Dred Scott v. Sandford, which held that people of African descent “are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the word ‘citizens’ in the Constitution.”) And the language of the Amendment is clear: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.” (The caveat—“subject to the jurisdiction”—is a carve out for the children of diplomats and other minor exceptions.) That guarantee has been codified in federal law; it was affirmed in an 1898 ruling in the case of Wong Kim Ark, the U.S.-born son of Chinese immigrants. “The Amendment, in clear words and in manifest intent, includes the children born within the territory of the United States of all other persons, of whatever race or color, domiciled within the United States,” the Court said in that case, and subsequent rulings have repeated that conclusion. No surprise, then, that three district-court judges reviewing the executive order had little trouble finding that the edict was probably unconstitutional, and that three appeals courts that reviewed their work left intact their rulings blocking the order from taking effect. Equally telling, the Supreme Court majority said not a word about the legality of the order itself.

    But imagine the harms that can ensue in the meantime: parents unable to obtain Social Security numbers for their children; infants denied health coverage or nutrition assistance. Sotomayor’s dissent, joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson, raised the prospect that Trump’s order “may even wrench newborns from the arms of parents lawfully in the United States, for it purports to strip citizenship from the children of parents legally present on a temporary basis.” If this warning sounds overblown, let me introduce you to the White House deputy chief of staff, Stephen Miller. And this gets to why the consequences of Trump v. casa reverberate beyond birthright citizenship. “No right is safe in the new legal regime the Court creates,” Sotomayor warned. “Today, the threat is to birthright citizenship. Tomorrow, a different administration may try to seize firearms from law-abiding citizens or prevent people of certain faiths from gathering to worship.” Sotomayor had more hypotheticals in her arsenal. “Suppose an executive order barred women from receiving unemployment benefits or black citizens from voting. Is the Government irreparably harmed, and entitled to emergency relief, by a district court order universally enjoining such policies?” she asked. “The majority, apparently, would say yes.” Those unlikely scenarios underscore the scary implications of the Court’s approach, but the real-world consequences of Friday’s decision are undeniable. They span the landscape of Trump’s executive orders and other actions, including efforts to impose more stringent voter-identification requirements, relocate transgender women prisoners to male facilities, and freeze foreign aid.


    The majority got the balance dangerously wrong, but there is a legitimate debate over the proper reach of what are called “universal” or “nationwide” injunctions. Democratic and Republican Presidents have chafed at orders from district-court judges, often cherry-picked by plaintiffs for their demonstrated sympathies, that prevent policies from being implemented across the country, sometimes for years. “Look, there are all kinds of abuses of nationwide injunctions,” Kagan said at the oral argument in the birthright case last month, and the dissent acknowledged that “there may be good reasons not to issue universal injunctions in the typical case.” But the birthright citizenship order was particularly ill-suited to serve as a vehicle for curbing such injunctions. The order itself is likely doomed. The government’s argument that the injunctions were causing it irreparable harm is unconvincing; leaving in place what has been the rule for centuries is no hardship. And the government’s proposed alternative—that the injunctions keeping birthright-citizenship protections in place apply only to the individual plaintiffs, not to a broader group of those affected—makes little sense in the context of citizenship, which should be decided on a national basis, not relegated to a haphazard patchwork dictated by circumstances of geography or the capacity to secure a lawyer. As the dissenters put it, “This is not a scenario where granting universal relief will encourage forum shopping or give plaintiffs the upper hand. Quite the opposite: By awarding universal relief below, the District Courts just ordered the Government to do everywhere what any reasonable jurist would order the Government to do anywhere.”

    Justice Amy Coney Barrett, writing for the majority, ruled that courts must limit themselves to orders that deal with the disputes immediately before them; they may not rove beyond the case at hand to resolve issues for those who aren’t parties to it. At oral argument, Barrett had seemed to express some exasperation with the government’s position, so it was disappointing to see her in the majority. But Barrett left open the possibility that the states challenging the birthright order could prove they needed the broader relief of a blanket ban, leaving that question to lower courts to determine. She also suggested that those challenging Administration orders had another option: they could file their suits as class actions. This would be more comforting if the Court in recent years had not made it more difficult for plaintiffs to obtain class-action status and if the Solicitor General, D. John Sauer, had not said that the government would probably oppose granting class status, at least in the context of birthright citizenship. Then there is the concurring opinion in Friday’s case by Justice Samuel Alito, joined by Justice Clarence Thomas; they warned that “district courts should not view today’s decision as an invitation to certify nationwide classes without scrupulous adherence to the rigors” of its requirements. In other words, don’t count on class actions to rein in Administrations bent on abusing the law.

    Given Congress’s abdication of its constitutional role, the courts remain the best immediate vehicle for combatting Trump’s excesses. (Elections are a better solution, but they remain far off.) With Friday’s ruling, though, they are unnecessarily handcuffed. If there is one thing we have learned during the five long months of the second Trump Administration, it is how easy it is to inflict damage on programs and institutions, and how hard that damage is to repair. This is an example of the Court stripping its own branch of power, and at the worst possible moment.
     

    Billbob

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    Hva feiler det denne gubben egentlig?
    Etter et møte med afrikanske ledere tidligere onsdag kveld sa Trump også at han ventet å sende ut et tollbrev til Brasil senere onsdag kveld eller torsdag morgen amerikansk tid.

    Etter dette møtet kommenterte Trump også den omstridte regnemetoden som førte til de ulike tollsatsene han varslet 2. april i år, hvor blant annet Norge fikk 15 prosent toll.

    Formelen var basert på sunn fornuft, sa Trump.
     

    Hønndjevelen

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    Hva feiler det denne gubben egentlig?
    Etter et møte med afrikanske ledere tidligere onsdag kveld sa Trump også at han ventet å sende ut et tollbrev til Brasil senere onsdag kveld eller torsdag morgen amerikansk tid.

    Etter dette møtet kommenterte Trump også den omstridte regnemetoden som førte til de ulike tollsatsene han varslet 2. april i år, hvor blant annet Norge fikk 15 prosent toll.

    Formelen var basert på sunn fornuft, sa Trump.
    Som om ikke kaffe var dyrt nok fra før.
     

    4-string

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    Hønndjevelen

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    Enig i at kaffe er blitt sykt dyr, men vi skal vel ikke betale amerikansk toll inn til Norge..??
    Poenget er heller at det meste av kaffen i tRump land kommer fra Brasil.
    Men min erfaring er at amerikansk kaffe er så svak at det er ikke mye bønne stoff i den
     

    xerxes

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    Trump komplimenterte Liberias president for hans gode engelsk, selvsagt uten å vite at engelsk er offisielt språk i Liberia.

    Så grenseløst tjukk i huet.

    … og han vet neppe stort om Liberias historie heller.
     

    tjua

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    Forøvrig, det finnes de økonomer som trur at trumps toll mot noen land kan gi billigere varer ut i resten av verden
    dette kommer til å bli meget spennende og følge, økonomisk teori in the making
     
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    xerxes

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    Forøvrig, det finnes de økonomer som trur at trumps toll mot nedre land kan gi billigere varer ut i resten av verden
    dette kommer til å bli meget spennende og følge, økonomisk teori in the making
    Ja, men å bruke verden som laboratorium for fullskala eksperimenter er risikosport deluxe!
     

    tjua

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    Absolutt og helt forkastelig gitt de konsekvensene dette har for så mange, tildels dårligere stilte, land og folk.
    USA har på mange måter vært den store drivkraften på verdensordenen slik den har vært fra ww2 og til 21 jan 25.
    Også demontere i løpet av så kort tid er forkastelig og jeg tror aga, america great again, blir kort livet.
    De trekker seg ut av alle internasjonale organisasjoner som de har benyttet godt til å bygge opp politisk og økonomisk makt, og vil over tid miste allierte og venner. Det vil treffe de hardt.
    Det samme går for deres interne økonomi Det kommer til å merkes overalt når all import blir dyrere og når mange nå må leve på helt minimum. Bor man på gata har man ikke stor kjøpekraft.

    men dette er iht dagens økonomiske vurderinger, kanskje stemmer ikke det, og det svaret får vi nok om litt, dvs år
    De amerikanske demokratiske politikerne må bare passe på å ikke sitte med makten når dette evt slår negativt inn ned full styrke
     

    erato

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    Hvordan noen kan tro at denne fyren er egnet til å lede noe annet enn enn mafiaorganisasjon, dvs en organisasjon som kun fungerer for å generere penger ved rå makt, er hinsides meg:


    "On Tuesday, President Trump claimed not to know who inside his government had ordered the munitions halt to Ukraine that he reversed on Monday. I just asked him now if he had been able to figure out who it was. “Well, I haven’t thought about it because we’re looking at Ukraine right now and munitions, but, no, I have not gone into it.”

    I asked him what it meant that such a big decision could be made inside his government without his knowledge. His answer: “I would know, if a decision was made, I will know. I’ll be the first to know. In fact most likely I’d give the order, but I haven’t done that.” "
     
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