Politikk, religion og samfunn President Donald J. Trump - Quo vadis? (Del 2)

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    Rubinmedlem
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    defacto

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    Begge deler er vel relativt ille?
    Er hun splitter pine....så er det ille i seg selv.
    Om det faktisk finnes en berme som går på dette, så er det faktisk enda verre...
     

    Disqutabel

    Æresmedlem
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    "THEY" har begynt å få draget på det nå. Neste gang drar "they" i gang et jordskjelv også. Gangen deretter en supervulkan i Yellowstone. For nå nekter "they" seg snart ingen ting. Det er visst sånn man vinner valg. Ved å starte den ene naturkatastrofen etter den andre. Faen, hvor "they" er dyktige på det de gjør!!
     

    JMM

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    Det er jo mer enn mystisk at disse orkanene bare treffer blodrøde stater skjønner du vel. Hvorfor treffer de ikke Nevada, eller Colorado, eller Vermont for eksempel. Hav og luftstrømmer kan det jo ikke ha noe med å gjøre, så da står vi igjen med det åpenbare svaret: Demokratene.
     

    KJ

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    MTG = Majorie Taylor Greene, det levende bevis på at neanderthalerne likevel ikke ble utryddet for 60000 år siden.

    Nå er du ufin mot neanderthalerne. Husk også at den gjennomsnittlige europer har omkring "4% neanderthaler DNA":
    https://humanorigins.si.edu/evidence/genetics/ancient-dna-and-neanderthals
    Jf. også at neanderthalerne hadde omkring 15% større hjernekasse enn moderne mennesker.

    mvh
    KJ
     

    Hardingfele

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    Og Boris Johnson i England har gitt ut bok der han hyller Trump. "Med Trump som president ville det ikke blitt krig i Ukraina" skriver han. :(
    For en tufs.
    Jeg minnes historikeren Sir Richard Evans, som anmeldte Johnsons "biografi" over Churchill. Stor humor.

    “One man who made history” by another who just makes it up
    Boris Johnson, as the subtitle of this book proclaims, is a firm believer in the “great man” theory of history. Not for him the subtleties of the complex interplay of historical forces and individual personalities. Subtlety is not Boris’s strong point. Winston Churchill alone, he writes, “saved our civilisation”. He “invented the RAF and the tank”. He founded the welfare state (although Boris gives David Lloyd George a bit of credit for this, as well). All of this, he argues, confounds what he sees as the fashion of the past few decades to write off “so-called great men and women” as “meretricious bubbles on the vast tides of social history”. The story of Winston Churchill “is a pretty withering retort to all that malarkey. He, and he alone, made the difference.”

    Marxists, he writes, go eat your words. Except that it’s not just Marxists who have argued for the impact of wider economic, social, cultural and even ideological forces on history. Anyone who has the time or energy to press a couple of keys on a computer to look up “tank”, “RAF”, “welfare state” or even “the Second World War” on Wikipedia will see Boris’s sweeping claims vanish in a cloud of inconvenient facts. Churchill did not, as Boris claims, invent the term “Iron Curtain” to describe the barrier between Soviet-dominated Europe and western Europe. It was first used by the Nazis – above all, by their propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels. Nor did he invent the term “Middle East”: it was coined by the American naval thinker Alfred T Mahan in 1902.


    At many junctures in the book, the ability to think historically deserts its author. He describes men such as Hitler as “short” when their height (5ft 8in in his case) exactly matched the average height of European men at the time; and he describes Churchill as a “Victorian Whig”, though the Whigs’ attitude to the state in legislation such as the 1834 Poor Law was entirely different to Churchill’s. The contemporary references to television shows such as Downton Abbey are among the many factors that will ensure this book has a very brief shelf life. Boris writes disapprovingly of the extramarital affairs of Edith Aylesford, a society lady of the late-Victorian era. “That was how they carried on in those days, you see,” he comments. Not just in those days, Boris.

    Johnson doesn’t weigh up policies and ideas with any care or penetration. If he doesn’t like them, he dismisses them as “rot”, “tripe”, “loopy”, “bonkers”, “barmy” or “nuts”; their advocates and practitioners as “loonies”, “plodders”, “Stilton-eating surrender monkeys”, and so on.

    [See also: Why Sajid Javid and Rishi Sunak finally resigned]

    There are some truly cringe-making metaphors and wordplay in the book. Churchill, we learn, was “mustard keen on gas” as a weapon in the First World War. He was “the large protruding nail on which destiny snagged her coat”. Young Tories “think of him as the people of Parma think of the formaggio Parmigiano. He is their biggest cheese.” And Chamberlain’s “refusal to stand up to Hitler” was “spaghetti-like” (clearly Boris is rather fond of Italian food).

    The book reads as if it was dictated, not written. All the way through we hear Boris’s voice; it’s like being cornered in the Drones Club and harangued for hours by Bertie Wooster. The gung-ho style inhibits thought instead of stimulating it. There’s huge condescension here. The Churchill Factor advertises itself as an attempt to educate “young people” who think that Churchill is a bulldog in a television advertisement rather than Britain’s greatest statesman but talking down to them is no way to achieve this aim.

    In a book that involves a good deal of modern European history, Boris the Eurosceptic clearly doesn’t find it necessary to master the details. Croatia, he tells us casually, was ruled by “some Ustasha creep or other” in the interwar years (it was not), while in the same period there was a plague of “communist uprisings in eastern Europe” (there was not). The Cecilienhof Palace in Potsdam, he writes in his offhand way, was “originally intended for some minor offshoot of the Hohenzollern dynasty” (it was not – it was built for the crown prince, heir to the German throne). He thinks that German industrial relations before 1914 were characterised by “co-operation between bosses and workers” (they were not). Hitler did not plan to kill the disabled, as he claims: most of the disabled in Germany in the 1930s were war veterans. The Germans did not capture Stalingrad, though this book claims they did.

    Boris ties himself up in knots trying to distance Churchill from the idea of European unity, salvaging a mildly sceptical quote from the apogee of his imperialist enthusiasm in the 1930s to undermine his hero’s advocacy of European unity in the 1950s.

    Present-day politics obtrude in other ways, too. Anyone who wonders why Boris has written this book need look no further than the general election that is due in a few months’ time. If the Conservatives lose, the leadership of the party will be up for grabs and Boris will be a candidate. Writing a book about Churchill might help people take him seriously. After all, Churchill, he writes, “spoke in short Anglo-Saxon zingers”. He was a “rogue elephant” in the Tory party. He made a career as a highly paid journalist. He was definitely not a “lefty-liberal Milquetoast”. “He was no party-pooper.” He was “incorrigibly cheerful” and his verbal style was both “demotic and verbally inventive”. He “incarnated something essential about the British character – and that was his continual and unselfconscious eccentricity”. Now, who is this meant to remind you of?

    [See also: Catherine Lacey’s biography that isn’t]

    Richard J Evans is Regius Professor of History at the University of Cambridge
     

    JMM

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    Etter alle normale solemål har jo Boris lagt politikken ettertrykkelig bak seg, så boken (som jeg ikke har lest selv eller kommer til å lese) er vel en blanding av det sedvanlige politiske forsvarsskriftet (bare enda mindre ærlig) og et forsøk på å gjøre seg enda mer attraktiv som foredragsholder på en stadig voksende ultrakonservativ, faktasky speaking circle verden over.

     

    defacto

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    1728564917794.png
    Only the best flies!
    Mine is bigger than Bidens...

    Lurer på når elefanten i rommet skal omtales av republikanerne?
     

    Asbjørn

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    Høyesterett har dessuten bestemt at «they» er unntatt fra straffeansvar for å beordre legioner av fluer, orkaner og tornadoer i den generelle retning av Florida-sumpen, så nå må man vel bare finne opp en måte å gjøre det på. Det kan bli litt krevende.

     

    Espen R

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    Så vet man noe nytt her på mårrakvisten. Filmen om Donald Trump «The apprentice» har kinopremiere i USA i dag. Det er en dramatisert film om Trump hvor filmen tar for seg hvordan Trump bøller seg opp og frem i denne verden. Trump er læregutten her og hvor læremesteren hans lærer ham alle dirty tricks i forretningsverden.


    Advokatene til Trump prøver å få stoppet filmen.
    Kinopremiere i Norge om ei uke. Kanskje man skal gå og se? 🫣
     

    Sluket

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    Geography, Trump style.....

    Prosecutor: Something must be done! War would mean a prohibitive increase in our taxes.
    DT: Hey, I got an uncle who lives in Taxes.
    Prosecutor: No, I'm talking about taxes - money, dollars!
    DT: Dollars! There's-a where my uncle lives! Dollars, Taxes!
     

    AndersR

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    Om vi tenker tilbake noen år og husker hvor viktig rolle Twitter spilte under "den arabiske våren" så tror jeg nok ikke vi bør undervurdere potensialet elon sitter på med twitter-eierskapet sitt.

    Han _kan_ faktisk skape en borgerkrig med et par tastetrykk om han vil. Og det er mye som tyder på at han er villig til å gjøre det dersom donald ikke vinner og han får pengene sine.
     

    Roberten

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    Om vi tenker tilbake noen år og husker hvor viktig rolle Twitter spilte under "den arabiske våren" så tror jeg nok ikke vi bør undervurdere potensialet elon sitter på med twitter-eierskapet sitt.

    Han _kan_ faktisk skape en borgerkrig med et par tastetrykk om han vil. Og det er mye som tyder på at han er villig til å gjøre det dersom donald ikke vinner og han får pengene sine.
    Jeg håper dette er en feberfantasi:

     

    JMM

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    Enig. Det var en sabla merkelig tildeling som ikke akkurat gjorde noe for komiteens anseelse.
     
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